Case File 249 · Investigation Psychology

Why Might an Innocent Person Refuse to Answer Questions?

An innocent person may refuse to answer questions for reasons that have nothing to do with having something to hide. They may have been advised by a lawyer to stay quiet. They may fear being trapped o

By Murder Book Editorial TeamPublished by Gungrounds, the studio making Murder BookPublished Updated

An innocent person may refuse to answer questions for reasons that have nothing to do with having something to hide. They may have been advised by a lawyer to stay quiet. They may fear being trapped or misquoted, distrust the people questioning them, be frightened or exhausted, feel they are being treated unfairly, or simply not know the answer. Refusing to answer is a legal right, and research on interrogation shows that the choice to talk or stay silent is driven far more by a person's sense of the situation than by their guilt. In fact, one of the better-documented findings in the field is that innocent people are often more likely to talk, because they trust that their innocence will protect them, which makes refusal a poor guide to who did what.

Key takeaways

  • Refusing to answer is a right, and it has many innocent explanations, from legal advice to fear, distrust or not knowing.
  • Research finds innocent suspects often waive their rights and talk, trusting that the truth will come out, so refusal to answer is not typical of innocence.
  • How fairly a person feels they are being treated strongly affects whether they engage.
  • Declining to answer does not shift the burden of proof, which stays with the prosecution.
  • Reading a refusal as a sign of guilt risks the same error as reading any single behaviour as a "tell".

What makes an innocent person decline to answer?

The reasons fall into a few groups, and most people will recognise them:

  • Legal advice. Lawyers routinely advise clients not to answer police questions. This is a strategic decision about risk, not an indication that the client did anything wrong.
  • Fear of being trapped. People worry that an innocent slip, a misremembered time, or an awkward phrase will be turned against them. Staying quiet can feel safer than guessing.
  • Distrust. Someone who does not trust the authority in front of them, through past experience or general wariness, may simply decline to engage.
  • Stress, trauma and exhaustion. Interrogation is stressful. Fear, shock and tiredness can make people withdraw.
  • Not knowing. Sometimes the honest answer is "I don't know" or "I don't remember", and refusing is easier than repeating that.
  • Protecting others. A person may stay silent to shield someone else, a motive explored in Why Might Someone Confess to Protect Another Person?.

Each of these produces the same visible behaviour, declining to answer, so the behaviour cannot tell you which cause is at work, or whether the person is guilty at all.

Don't innocent people usually want to explain themselves?

Often, yes, and that is the striking part. A substantial body of work by Saul Kassin and colleagues describes what he calls the "phenomenology of innocence": innocent people tend to believe that their innocence is visible and that the truth will come out, so they feel they have nothing to fear. As a result, they are more likely than the guilty to waive their rights, speak freely, offer alibis and agree to searches or tests.

Kassin and Norwick (2004) tested this directly. In their study, people who were truly innocent of a mock theft were far more likely to waive their right to silence and talk to an interrogator than those who were guilty, many of them explaining that they did so precisely because they had done nothing wrong. Research on innocent suspects' decision-making similarly describes an initial naïveté about the risks of talking. The practical upshot is that refusal to answer is, if anything, more associated with people who feel they have something at stake than with innocence as such, which is the opposite of the folk assumption.

This also connects to why innocent people sometimes end up in serious trouble after choosing to cooperate. The willingness to talk, combined with pressure, is one strand in the research on Why Do Innocent People Confess? and Why Do Innocent People Waive Their Right to Remain Silent?.

Does how people are treated change whether they answer?

It does. Work on procedural justice finds that people's willingness to cooperate with legal authorities depends heavily on whether they feel they are being treated fairly, listened to and respected, rather than on the outcome alone. Someone who feels dismissed, accused from the outset or handled with hostility is more likely to shut down, whatever the truth of the matter. This is one reason modern interviewing emphasises rapport and explanation, as described in What Does Cooperation Look Like in an Investigative Interview?. A refusal to answer may therefore say as much about the conduct of the interview as about the person being interviewed.

How should a refusal to answer be interpreted?

Carefully, and narrowly. A refusal tells you that a person has chosen not to answer. It does not tell you why, and it does not fill any gap in the evidence. Treating it as a sign of guilt makes two mistakes at once: it reads a single ambiguous behaviour as a conclusion, and it quietly shifts the burden of proof onto the person to explain themselves, when that burden rests with the prosecution. The disciplined response is to keep testing the actual evidence and to leave the person's choice where the law puts it, as a right. Is Silence a Sign of Guilt? works through the same point for silence in general.

None of this is operational advice about handling questioning. It is simply the research finding that refusal and innocence are not opposites, and that a refusal cannot bear the weight people instinctively want to put on it.

Is there a game where a suspect's refusal is part of the puzzle?

Murder Book: The Art of Interrogation is an upcoming narrative interrogation game from Gungrounds, an independent studio in Zagreb, Croatia. Its development casebook lists behaviours such as Non-Response and Stonewalling, which means a suspect clamming up is treated as information to interpret rather than as an automatic mark of guilt. That matches the research here: a person who stops answering has made a choice, and the choice has many possible causes.

Because each case is built around weighing an account rather than winning a confrontation, refusal becomes one more thing to think about alongside the evidence, not a shortcut to the answer. The game's Build Trust technique, officially described as "fostering an environment where the suspect feels comfortable and secure enough to communicate openly", reflects the same idea that engagement is earned. Cases are designed for focused 5–10-minute sessions. Murder Book is in development for PC (Steam) and mobile, with release currently planned for the end of Q2 2027. See also What Is Minimization, and Can It Sound Like a Promise of Leniency?.

Sources

  1. Kassin and Norwick (2004), Why people waive their Miranda rights: the power of innocence. Law and Human Behavior
  2. Kassin (2005), On the psychology of confessions: does innocence put innocents at risk? American Psychologist (via Saul Kassin)
  3. Overcoming innocents' naïveté: pre-interrogation decision-making among innocent suspects. University of Michigan Deep Blue
  4. Smalarz, Scherr and Kassin (2016), Miranda at 50: a psychological analysis. Current Directions in Psychological Science
  5. Innocence Project, DNA exonerations in the United States
  6. Gungrounds, Murder Book fact sheet